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Brain Science & The Biology of Belief

In a small, dark room at the lab of a large university hospital, a young man named Robert lights candles and a stick of jasmine incense, then settles to the floor and folds his legs easily into the lotus position. A devout Buddhist and accomplished practitioner of Tibetan meditation, Robert is about to begin another meditative voyage inward. As always, his goal is to quiet the constant chatter of the conscious mind and lose himself in the deeper, simpler reality within. It's a journey he's made a hundred times before, but this time, as he drifts off into that inner spiritual reality--as the material world around him recedes like a fading dream--he remains tethered to the physical here-and-now by a length of common cotton twine.

One end of that twine lies in a loose coil at Robert's side. The other end runs beneath a closed laboratory door and into an adjoining room, where I sit, beside my friend and long-time research partner Dr. Eugene D'Aquili, with the twine wrapped around my finger. Gene and I are waiting for Robert to tug on the twine, which will be our signal that his meditative state is approaching its transcendent peak. It is this peak moment of spiritual intensity that interests us.

For years, Eugene and I have been studying the relationship between religious experience and brain function, and we hope that by monitoring Robert's brain activity at the most intense and mystical moments of his meditation, we might shed some light on the mysterious connection between human consciousness and the persistent and peculiarly human longing to connect with something larger than ourselves.....

As my first installment on Metanexus regarding our recent book entitled, Why God Won't Go Away: Brain Science and the Biology of Belief, there are several primary points that require mention.  Why God Won't Go Away is the culmination of almost 25 years of research into the relationship between the brain and religious experience.  It strikes at the heart of questions such as: What makes something spiritual?  Why are religious experiences so powerful? and What can religious and mystical experiences tell us about the mind and even about reality?  Dr. Eugene d'Aquili initiated this groundbreaking research almost 25 years ago with an analysis of religious experience in ancient cultures.  As human beings and human culture developed, so did religions and associated religious experiences.  Today, there is a tremendous amount of information about the myriad varieties of religious experience.  We also have a much greater understanding about how the brain and mind work.  Why God Won't Go Away utilizes this knowledge to forge an integrated approach to understanding religious and mystical experiences. It describes this research in terms that are understandable to the scientist and non-scientist.  The overall goal of this book is to help to facilitate a dialogue regarding this nexus of science and spirituality and to allow everyone to feel comfortable addressing these issues regardless of their perspective. We also realize that science is limited in what it can tell us about these experiences.  Thus, we will explore not only how science can inform us about religious experience, but can also examine the implications that such experiences have with regard to science.

This book is also based on neurophysiological research that has investigated how the brain works in a variety of circumstances.  These studies have helped to advance our understanding of how different parts of the brain work, and more importantly, how they work together.  Research over the past two decades has also begun to explore the relationship between brain function and body physiology.  Thus, not only can we describe what is happening in the brain, we can measure the changes to the rest of the body associated with various brain states.  With this information, we can begin to explore in detail, how religious and mystical experiences impact our minds and bodies.

 Ultimately, we can consider what such an analysis leads to with regard to religion and theology.  The implications of this research are far reaching, profound, and allow us to consider religious experience in new ways.  These topics, considered near the end of this book, will present challenging issues for religion and theology.

 It should also be mentioned with sadness that Dr. d'Aquili passed away prior to this book being published and so could not enjoy seeing this work to completion.  However, his work and ideas that are expressed in this book reflect his creativity and intelligence.  He truly was a pioneer in the field of science and religion, and in particular to the study of the biological basis of religious experience.  Fortunately, Dr. Newberg will continue to pursue these issues to attempt to bring an even greater understanding of religious experience.

    As the field studying the biology of religious experience advances into the next millenium, continued improvements in our abilities to study the brain coupled with better methods of measuring the subjective state of religious experiences will refine our understanding of the mystical mind. However, the ideas presented in this book represent the most up-to-date knowledge and the most complete synthesis of information currently available. The first installment will thus consider several basic principles of brain function as it relates to human experience, and in particular, religious experience.

    The autonomic nervous system is traditionally understood to be composed of two sub-systems, the sympathetic system and the parasympathetic system. The sympathetic system subserves the so-called fight-or-flight response and is the physiological base of our adaptive strategies either to noxious stimuli or to highly desirable stimuli in the environment. In short, the sympathetic system causes a sense of arousal.  The other part of the autonomic nervous system is the parasympathetic system.  This system is essentially the antithesis of the sympathetic or Arousal System.  The parasympathetic system is responsible for maintaining homeostasis and conserving the body's resources and energy.  The parasympathetic system is part of a more global neuronal circuitry which we have called the Quiescent System.

    The Arousal System and Quiescent System have often been described as "antagonistic" or "inhibitory" to each other, but studies suggest that they can sometimes function in a complementary manner.  Normally, increased activity of one tends to produce a decreased activity in the other. This helps prevent an excess of the activity of either system.  However, sometimes these systems can be driven to maximal activity despite the protective antagonistic mechanism.  When this occurs, one can induce a "reversal" or "spillover" phenomenon. This spillover effect occurs when continued stimulation of one system to maximal capacity begins to produce activation responses (rather than inhibitory) in the opposite system.  This state is relatively rare and requires intense driving of one of the systems, beyond its normal capacity and beyond the inhibitory effects of the other system.  If intense stimulation of the same system is continued, one can attain the even rarer state which involves maximal simultaneous activation of both the Arousal and Quiescent Systems.

    With regards to "higher" brain function, we can consider how various brain structures might interact to provide us with certain basic brain functions.  We have called these basic brain functions "cognitive operators" since they refer to specific ways in which the brain operates on the sensory and cognitive input arriving at the brain.  We have described seven of these operators, however, we will consider briefly only two of the most important ones regarding religious experience -- the holistic operator and the causal operator.  The other operators also have important roles regarding religious experience, however, these appear to be the most relevant.

    In its basic form, the holistic operator allows us to view reality as a whole or as a gestalt.  In other words, this operator helps to give us the big picture.  This ability allows us to experience a given situation in a more global context.  A number of experiments involving both animals and human beings have indicated that the parietal lobe (toward to the back, top part of the brain) in the right brain hemisphere is intimately involved in the perception of spatial relations.  More specifically, the perceptions generated by this area are of a holistic or gestalt nature.   Thus, we have proposed that the holistic operator likely resides in the parietal lobe in the right hemisphere. In religion, the holistic operator might allow us to apprehend the unity of God or the oneness of the universe.  Regardless of the particular object or group of objects involved, whenever one considers or perceives the global or unitary perspective of things, one is employing the holistic operator.

    The causal operator permits reality to be viewed in terms of causal sequences.  This operator seems to have played a significant role in the development of human science, philosophy, and particularly religion. In its basic function, the causal operator tends to impart a sense of causality on all of the events that we observe.  Thus, this operator forces us to question why we are here, why does something work the way it does, and what created the universe.  In all of these, and in every other instance, we want to know what is the cause that lies behind every event that we experience. Thus, we would suggest that it is the mind or brain itself that is designed to seek out causality. Our brain functions in such a way that it tries to find the cause of all of the things it experiences.  If this is the case, then it is a biological necessity for us to seek out causality. Furthermore, there is evidence that our drive to determine causality may be present even as early as infancy.  The causal operator has often led to the development of myth formation and in particular, religious beliefs. Religions, in general, offer an answer as to what ultimately causes things to happen in this universe -- power sources, gods, and in the high religions -- God.  In order to explain how God originated, monotheistic religions necessarily conclude that God is the ultimate uncaused cause of all things.  This is the only manner in which we can satisfy the causal operator which forces us to pose the question as to why God exists.  In fact, we might suggest that the causal operator is crucial to our understanding of the concept of God.  For if we search hard enough for causes, we eventually work our way back to some first cause which appears not to be caused by anything else.  It is this first, and ultimate cause that many religions call God.  This conclusion alleviates our urge generated by the necessary functioning of the causal operator. Another way of exploring this issue is to consider what our conception of God might be like if we were to have a totally different brain that did not have the ability to conceive of God.  What would our interpretation of God be like in that scenario?  God would likely not be attributed to the fundamental cause of all things.  Perhaps God would be perceived to represent universal love or forgiveness.  Either way, of course, this would not alter whatever God's true nature would be, only our ability to express and understand it.

    Clearly, I have oversimplified the explanation of how the brain and autonomic nervous system work.  These topics are all considered in more detail in the book, but for the purposes of the discussion regarding the book, it is necessary to review some basic concepts.  However, even within the basic functioning of the brain, we can see that there are functions that might be directly related to how we perceive religious experience.  While we can begin to consider the implications for such an approach, we will explore more detailed models of brain activation during religious experience in the next installment.

 Defining the Self: The Orientation Association Area

    The orientation association area, situated at the posterior section of the parietal lobe, receives sensory input from the sense of touch, as well as from other sensory modalities, especially vision and hearing. These give it the ability to create a three-dimensional sense of "body" and to orient that body in space.

    Two of the orientation areas, one located in each hemisphere of the brain, perform related but distinct operations, as shown in numerous brain imaging studies. The left orientation area is responsible for creating the mental sensation of a limited, physically-defined body, while the right orientation area is associated with generating the sense of spatial co-ordinates that provides the matrix in which the body can be oriented. In simpler terms, the left orientation area creates the mind's spatial sense of self, while the right side creates the physical space in which that self can exist.

     The process through which the mind might construct these fundamental categories of self and not-self are not clearly understood, though researchers have found some tantalizing clues. For example, we know that certain neurons in the left orientation area respond only to objects within arm's reach, while others respond only to objects just beyond. This fascinating finding has led some researchers to postulate that the distinction between self and other may have its roots in the ability of the left orientation area to judge between these two simple categories of reality--that which can be grasped and that which can't.

     Whatever the origins of the orientation response might be, and however the brain supports it, the important point is that by working in concert, the two sides of the orientation association area are able to weave raw sensory data into the vivid, complex perception of a self and into a world in which that self can move.

 The Seat of the Will: The Attention Association Area

   The attention association area, called the pre-frontal cortex of the brain, plays a major role in governing complex, integrated bodily movements associated with attaining goals. For instance, this area helps the body organize the behaviors necessary for reaching for desired objects or moving toward some chosen destination. On an even more complex level, the attention area seems to be critically involved in organizing all goal-oriented behaviors and actions, even purposefully directed patterns of thought that are intended to focus the mind upon a particular object or idea.

    This structure is so heavily involved in such intentional behavior, in fact, that a number of researchers think of the attention area as the neurological seat of the will....

     The ability of the attention area to direct the mind to form intentions and act upon them is supported by research which shows that damage this area of the brain results in a loss of the ability to concentrate, plan future behavior, and carry out complex perceptual tasks that require sharp mental focus or sustained attention. Victims of such damage, for example, are often unable to complete long sentences or plan a schedule for the day.  They also frequently exhibit emotional flatness, a lack of will, and a profound indifference to events in the environment. These findings, as well as brain imaging studies, indicate that the frontal lobes are involved in the processing and control of emotion, in association with the limbic system, with which it has multiple interconnections.

     Over the last several decades, we have been working towards the development of a neuropsychological model of unitary experiences which would encompass ritual, meditation, and contemplation within one theoretical framework.  This framework has been developed based on a number of research studies that have measured how specific areas of the brain function such as those described above.  For example, a number of brain imaging studies using functional magnetic resonance imaging have demonstrated how this area is activated during tasks that require the manipulation of three dimensional space as well as how this area functions along with the attention association area for spatial memory (Cohen et al. 1996; d'Esposito et al 1998).  Neuroscientist, Rhawn Joseph, was one of the first to consider the superior parietal lobe as integral for differentiating self from not-self.

    It should be mentioned, however, that to fully identify the self probably requires other structures, particularly those in the subcortical areas that are involved in the basic maintenance of the self.  It is likely that as the human brain evolved, this function became incorporated and enhanced by the function of the OAA so that we can experience a rich sense of the self. The prefrontal cortex actually has many different complex functions. However, for the purposes of our book, we explored its ability to help us focus attention. In terms of the attention association areas function, an early study (Ingvar, 1977) examined blood flow in the brain's of subjects moving their hand in a willful, rhythmic hand clenching movement and also when they were only imagining doing the same movement.  The findings showed increased activity in the motor area in the first condition and increased activity in the attention association area in the second condition. When imaging the movement, there was no increase in activity in the motor area.  A PET study by Frith (1991) showed that not only did willful acts cause an increase in the attention association area activity, but it also resulted in decreased activity in certain brain regions including the posterior temporal-parietal area during the sensorimotor task. This was also found to be the case with other areas involved in modality specific functions. Many other imaging studies have also demonstrated similar findings including those of Michael Posner (1990, 1994) and others (Pardo et al. 1991; and Frith et al. 1991).

    It should be mentioned that the frontal lobes have also been found to be highly involved in emotions and intimately connected to the limbic system that controls most of our emotions.  The frontal lobes are believed to be extremely important in initiating, controlling and monitoring emotions. People who have damage to the frontal lobes like the classic case of Phineus Gage generally begin to lose their personality and eventually have problems controlling their emotions or have blunted emotions (Damasio 1994).  If there is extensive damage to the frontal lobes, then usually the result is apathy, loss of emotional response, and loss of social interests (Damasio 1994; Kandell, Schwartz, and Jessell 2000).  However, if only small areas are damaged, specifically those that control emotions, then the person can be disinhibited, hyperactive, euphoric,  and emotionally labile.  It is interesting to note that a PET study of murderers demonstrated decreased frontal lobe glucose metabolism (Raine, 1994).

     In order to develop of comprehensive neurophysiological model of religious experience, we considered that ritual and meditation (in all of their tremendous variety) both can generate a number of states along a continuum of unitary states.  We will call this the Unitary Continuum which refers to all states of human experience as they relate to a sense of unification or connection with other things.  These states begin with the least holistic which for most people is essentially baseline, daily living. This includes our interactions with others, eating, sleeping, and working. However, in this state, we tend to approach each of these activities as if it is only ourselves performing the activity.  There is very little sense of a greater organization of our reality.  However, there may be other states that are even less holistic than baseline reality since even in our everyday reality, we have some sense of connectedness to a family or friends, or to a nation or community.  However, there are those who may experience no sense of connectedness to anything.  Such states may occur "normally" although they may be associated with pathological conditions such as depression. Finally, there are some states such as dissociative disorders (i.e. multiple personality disorder) in which even the self is perceived to be fragmented.

    In states related to ceremonial ritual there is a sense of union with the others involved in the ritual.  As we will describe, this allows for a sense of community or group unity which allows all members to experience a connection with the rest of the group.  As we proceed along the Unitary Continuum, we can eventually find profound mystical states in which there is a sense of unity, not to others in a group, but to the universe as a whole, and even to apparently transcendent reality.

    The Unitary Continuum goes from the roughly 50/50 diversity/unity perception of baseline reality, through states of ever increasing perception of unity over diversity, to the perception of absolute unity characteristic of what Gene d'Aquili and I referred to as Absolute Unitary Being (AUB).  An example of some of the important nodal points along this continuum would be the following:  baseline reality; aesthetic experiences such as the appreciation of a sunset or symphony; the intense feeling of romantic love in which "it's bigger than both of us"; the numinous experience of reality often through a dream or vision of a divine being or of a mandala; Cosmic Consciousness as described by Bucke in which there is a profound sense or "knowledge" of a deep unity underlying discrete reality, but with individual things being perceived as individual; various progressively intense trance states during which there is a blurring of the boundaries of individual things; all the way to the state where there is no perception of spatial or temporal boundaries whatsoever, accompanied by the experience of absolute unity, devoid of content and with even the self-other dichotomy obliterated.

    AUB is a state that appears to be described in the religious literature of almost every tradition and culture.  Several quotes below allude to this universal state that people throughout time and across traditions have experienced:

Sufi master Husain Ibn Mansur, a resident of Medieval Iraq, described the intimate intermingling of the mystic and his Lord:

I am He Whom I love, and He whom I love is I:    
We are two spirits dwelling in one body.    
If thou seest me, thou seest Him,    
And if thou seest Him, thou seest us both.
 

    The medieval Catholic sage Meister Eckhart asked:

How then am I to love the Godhead?

Thou shalt not love him as he is: not as a God, not as a spirit, not as a Person, not as an image, but as sheer, pure One.
And into this One we are to sink from nothing to nothing, so help us God.
 

    The theme of unity echoes in the Taoist wisdom of Lao-Tzu...

Ordinary men hate solitude.    
But the Master makes use of it,    
embracing his aloneness, realizing    
he is one with the whole universe
 

    ...and in the plain-spoken insights of Black Elk, the Oglala mystic and shaman:

Peace comes within the souls of men    
When they realize their oneness with the universe.
 


Thus, we might be able to consider religious and spiritual experiences from this neurophysiological perspective to see how the diverse variety of cultures and practices approach these states and ultimately incorporate them into the fundamentals of the particular tradition and into the person's life.



 i. A number of brain imaging studies using functional magnetic resonance imaging have demonstrated how this area is activated during tasks that require the manipulation of three dimensional space as well as how this area functions along with the attention association area for spatial memory (Cohen et al. 1996; d'Esposito et al 1998).  For a further detailed discussion of the Orientation Association Area, please see Joseph (1996). ii.  Rhawn Joseph (1996) was one of the first neuroscientists to make reach this conclusion. It should be mentioned, however, that to fully identify the self probably requires other structures, particularly those in the subcortical areas that are involved in the basic maintenance of the self. It is likely that as the human brain evolved, this function became incorporated and enhanced by the function of the OAA so that we can experience a rich sense of the self. iii. The prefrontal cortex actually has many different complex functions. However, for the purposes of this book, we will focus primarily on its ability to help us to focus attention. iv. In terms of the attention association areas function, an early study (Ingvar, 1977) examined blood flow in the brain's of subjects moving their hand in a willful, rhythmic hand clenching movement and also when they were only imagining doing the same movement.  The findings showed increased activity in the motor area in the first condition and increased activity in the attention association area in the second condition. When imaging the movement, there was no increase in activity in the motor area.  A PET study by Frith (1991) showed that not only did willful acts cause an increase in the attention association area activity, but it also resulted in decreased activity in certain brain regions including the posterior temporal-parietal area during the sensorimotor task. This was also found to be the case with other areas involved in modality specific functions. It should be mentioned here that imaging studies measure certain biological functions, but may not necessarily reflect accurately what is going on.  For example, increased metabolic activity in inhibitory neurons will look the same on a PET scan as increased activity in excitatory neurons, but the cognitive results could be very different.  The attention association area is also divided into various parts.  And while we will not discuss the specific function of these various parts, it is important to keep in mind that the attention association area has many functions some of which are very subtle.  Many other imaging studies have also demonstrated similar findings including those of Michael Posner (1990, 1994) and others (Pardo et al. 1991; and Frith et al. 1991). v. The frontal lobes have also been found to be highly involved in emotions and this structure has intimate connections with the limbic system.  The frontal lobes are believed to be extremely important in initiating, controlling and monitoring emotions.  Thus, it heavily interacts with the limbic system.  People who have damage to the frontal lobes like the classic case of Phineus Gage generally begin to lose their personality and eventually have problems controlling their emotions or have blunted emotions (Damasio 1994).  If there is extensive damage to the frontal lobes, then usually the result is apathy, loss of emotional response, and loss of social interests (Damasio 1994; Kandell, Schwartz, and Jessell 2000).  However, if only small areas are damaged, specifically those that control emotions, then the person can be disinhibited, hyperactive, euphoric,  and emotionally labile.  It is interesting to note that a PET study of murderers demonstrated decreased frontal lobe glucose metabolism (Raine, 1994).

Reality from the Inside

"Every time that the powers of the soul come into contact with created things, they receive the created images and likenesses from the created thing and absorb them. In this way arises the soul's knowledge of created things. Created things cannot come closer to the soul than this, and the soul can only approach created things by the voluntary reception of images. And it is through the presence of the image that the soul approaches the created world, for the image is a thing that the soul creates with her own powers. Does the soul want to know the nature of a stone--a horse--a man? She forms an image."
 


                --Meister Eckhart
 

    The medieval German mystic Meister Eckhart lived hundreds of years before the science of neurology was born. But it seems he had intuitively grasped one of the fundamental principles of the discipline: what we think of as reality is only a rendition of reality, created by the brain.

    Our modern understanding of the brain's perceptual powers bears him out. Nothing enters consciousness whole. There is no direct, absolute experience with reality. All of the things that the mind perceives--all thoughts, feelings, hunches, memories, insights, desires and revelations--have been assembled piece by piece by the processing powers of the brain from the swirl of neural blips, sensory perceptions, and scattered cognitions dwelling in its structures and neural pathways.

    The idea that our experience of reality-- all our experiences, for that matter--are only "second-hand" depictions of what may or may not be objectively real, raises some profound questions about the most basic truths of human existence and the neurological nature of spiritual experience. For example, our experiment with Tibetan meditators and Franciscan nuns showed that the events they considered spiritual were, in fact, the result of observable neurological activity. In a reductionist sense, this could support the argument that religious experience is only imagined neurologically; that God is physically "all in your mind." But an understanding of the way in which the brain and mind assemble and experience reality suggests a very different view.

Imagine, for instance, that you are the subject of a brain imaging study. As part of this study, you have been asked to eat a generous slice of homemade apple pie. As you enjoy the pie, the brain scans capture images of the neurological activity in the various processing areas of the brain where input from your senses is being turned into the specific neural perceptions that add up to the experience of eating the pie: olfactory areas register the delightful aroma of apples and cinnamon, visual areas perceive the sight of the golden brown crust, centers of touch perceive the complex mix of crunchy and gooey textures, and the rich, sweet, satisfying flavors are processed in the areas responsible for taste. The SPECT brain scan would show all this activity in the same way that it revealed the brain activity of the Buddhists and the nuns, as blotches of bright colors on the scanner's computer screen. In a literal sense, the experience of eating the pie is all in your mind, but that doesn't mean the pie is not real, or that it is not delicious.

 In this installment, we will consider the issue about what science can tell us about reality and about the world as we perceive it.  The crucial issue here is that while brain imaging studies can help us to understand these experiences and how we come to know them, it does not necessarily give us information about what has caused them.  This is a critical issue in terms of how we interpret our scientific findings. It also raises the issue as to how we can "know" what is really real.

    One of the most ancient problems of philosophy is, "How do we know that the external world corresponds, at least partially, to what we experience in our mind?"  The question of what is "really real" has been considered, with various answers, since the time of the Greek philosophers.  The three most common criteria given for judging what is real are:

1.  The subjective clear and vivid sense of reality.    
 
2.  The duration of reality through time.    
 
3.  Agreement of others as to what is real.
 


In point of fact, we believe that all three of these criteria determining what is real can be reduced to # 1 above -- the vivid sense of reality.  For example, the sense of duration through time depends on the mind's ability to perceive time and causality.  An alteration of function of the part of the brain responsible for our perception of time, for any reason, results in a significant distortion of the perception of time in a number of ways.  As we have seen during AUB, there is no sense of time or duration while the person is in that state.  Essentially, time vanishes for the subject in AUB.  It becomes obvious that time and duration are not absolutes, and derive their perceived qualities from the mind's function.  Hence it begs the question to derive the realness of baseline reality from one of time which is itself structured by the sense of time generated by the brain.

    The third criterion of the realness, the cross subject (or other person) validation, again arises from begging the question.  It has been said that, "reality is a collective hunch".  Is reality a collective hunch or is it an individual hunch?  The "people" who agree or disagree about things being real are themselves only images or representations within the perceptual field created by the mind.

    These analyses could continue ad infinitum.  Suffice it to say that we are satisfied that each and every criterion of the reality of entities collapses into the first, i.e. the vivid sense of reality.  This is a very important point for much follows from it.  The vivid sense of reality has been called many things by philosphers over the years.  The stoics called it the phantasia catalyptica.  Certain contemporary German philosophers call it Anweisenheit..  Whatever one wishes to call it, it is the compelling presence or sense of realness that makes us think that something is real.

    If we are forced to conclude that reality is ultimately reducible to the vivid sense of reality, then what are we to make of states that appear to the individual as more real that baseline reality, even when they are recalled from within baseline reality.  If we take baseline reality as our point of reference, it appears that there are some states the reality of which appears to be inferior to baseline reality and some states the reality of which appears to be superior to that of baseline reality when these states are recalled in baseline reality.  And this is the crucial point.  We are not talking about various alternate phases of consciousness appearing real while one is experiencing them.  We are talking about certain alternate phases of consciousness appearing more real than baseline reality when recalled from baseline reality.  Thus, we almost always refer to dreams as "not as real" as baseline reality when we awake.  Our everyday reality is much clearer and more real than dreams.  The same is true of psychotic hallucinations after they are cured by medications.  A person having emerged from such a psychotic state will recall it as psychotic often commenting "I was crazy then," or "Of course the voices or visions were not real."

    The same cannot be said, however, of other alternate phases of consciousness which appear to be "more real" than baseline reality and are vividly described as such by experiencers after they return to baseline reality.  This is true of a number of the states that we have described earlier in this book.  It is certainly true of the experience of AUB.  It is also true of Cosmic Consciousness, certain trance states, and the core near death experience.  So real do these experiences appear when recalled in baseline reality that they have the ability to alter the way the experiencers live their lives.  Studies have actually been performed on this topic with near death experiencers.  Those who have had the core experience clearly behave more altruistically, more kindly, and with greater compassion towards other human beings than they showed before the experience. Furthermore, there is a marked tendency for near death experiencers not to fear death.  And these changes do not persist for just a short period of time after the NDE, but seem to persist for years.  Perhaps they will show themselves to persist throughout the experiencers' lives.  Enough time has not passed for us to make that statement, but it appears that that is the direction in which the evidence is pointing.

    Again, if it is true that all of the proposed criteria by which reality is judged to be real can be reduced, in the last analysis, to the vivid sense of reality, then we have no choice but to conclude that in some sense, these states are, in fact, more real than the baseline reality of our everyday lives.  And the word "real" here is not used in a poetic or metaphorical sense.  It is used in the same sense as in the utterance "this rock or this table is real."

    The question of what is really real becomes much more complicated than it already seems when we use our understanding of the human mind and brain to help explain how we experience reality.  If we agree that the brain is what we use to perceive reality, then we are left with the difficult task of somehow getting outside of our mind in order to prove what we perceive to be reality.  After all, our brain is also part of the perceived reality and thus we need to somehow go beyond our brain so that we can approach the question of what is really real from an objective vantage point. Unfortunately, this is not so easy.

    Many of the meditative philosophies use this concept to explain why their approach is important for reaching a greater reality.  They argue that baseline reality is an illusion and that the true reality requires an excursion of the mind into a state beyond normal experience. We have already described in this chapter that each of these states are Primary Knowing States, but all of them are still states of the mind and brain.

    Although it seems that the Primary Knowing States, indeed, all of the states along the Unitary Continuum, may have their basis in neuroanatomy, neurophysiology, and the flux of neurotransmitters, it is equally true that baseline reality, which both the average person and the average scientist construe to be really real, is based on exactly the same parameters.  Thus, one can never get at what is "really out there" without its being processed, one way or another, through the brain.

    Many find it deeply disturbing that the experience of God, the sense of the absolute, the sense of mystery and beauty in the universe, the most profoundly moving experiences of which humans are capable, might be reducible to issues of neural tuning or even to specific patterns of neural blips on an oscilloscope.  However, such an interpretation misses a few rather important points.  First of all, our experience of baseline reality (e.g. of chairs, tables, love, hate), indeed of our whole physical and psychological environment can also be reduced to neural blips and fluxes of brain chemistry.  So what criteria can we use to evaluate whether God, other hyperlucid unitary experiences, or our everyday world is more "real"?  Can we use our subjective sense of the absolute certainty of the objective reality of our everyday world to establish that that world is "really real"?

    We would maintain that there is no way to determine whether the various profound unitary states or baseline reality is more "real", i.e. which represents the ultimate objective reality without first making gratuitous and unsubstantiated assumptions.  Clearly, baseline reality has some significant claim to being ultimate reality.  However, AUB can be so compelling that it is difficult to overlook its sense of realness.  This being the case, it is a foolish reductionism indeed that states that because profound unitary states can be understood in terms of neuropsychological processes, they are derivative from baseline reality.  Indeed, the reverse argument could be made just as well.  Neuropsychology can give no answer as to which state is more real, baseline reality or profound unitary states. We are reduced to saying that each is real in its own way and for its own adaptive ends.  We will explore this issue more in the next chapter.  For now, we must conceive of the brain as a machine which operates upon whatever it is that fundamental reality may be and produces at the very least two basic versions.  One version is what we have called baseline reality and the other version is that of Absolute Unitary Being.  Both perceptions are accompanied by a profound subjective certainty of their objective reality. Whatever is prior to the experience of absolute unity and the baseline reality of everyday life is in principle unknowable, since that which is in any way known must be translated, and in this sense transformed, by the brain.

Pathological and Normal Spiritual Experiences

      We aren't disappointed [with the results from our brain imaging study]. The finished scan images show unusual activity in a small lump of gray matter nestled in the top rear section of the brain. The proper name of this highly-specialized bundle of neurons is The Posterior Superior Parietal Lobe, but for the purposes of this book, Gene and I have dubbed it the Orientation Association Area, or OAA.[i]

    The primary job of the OAA is to orient the individual in physical space--it keeps track of which end is up, helps us judge angles and distances, and allows us to negotiate safely the dangerous physical landscape around us.[ii] To perform this crucial function, it must first generate a clear, consistent cognition of the physical limits of the self. In simple terms, it must draw a sharp distinction between the individual and everything else; to sort out the you from the infinite not-you that makes up the rest of the universe.

    So, not surprisingly, the baseline SPECT scans of Robert's brain [Robert, you will recall, was our meditator in Monday's Metanexus: Views 2001.12.10] that were taken before his meditation, while he was in a normal state of mind, show the Orientation Area to be a center of furious brain activity.  This activity appears on the scans in vibrant bursts of brilliant reds and yellows.

    The scans taken at the peak of Robert's meditative state, however, show the Orientation Area to be bathed in dark blotches of cool greens and blues--colors that indicate a sharp reduction in activity levels.

    This finding intrigued us. We know that the Orientation Area never rests, so what could account for this unusual drop in activity levels in this small section of the brain?

    As we pondered the question, a fascinating possibility emerged: What if the Orientation Area were working as hard as ever, but the incoming flow of sensory information had somehow been blocked?[iii] That would explain the drop in brain activity in the region. More compellingly, it would also mean that the OAA had been temporarily blinded, and deprived of the information it needed to do its job properly.

How can we study spiritual experiences from a scientific perspective?  While these issues are touched upon in Why God Won't Go Away, I am elaborating on them here because of the complexity of developing such a field of study that remains true to both science and the spiritual.  However, the research on brain function (particularly associated with spiritual experiences) described in Why God Won't Go Away and performed both in our lab and laboratories across the country provides a major step towards developing a coherent and comprehensive model of religious experience.

    An examination of the current literature data bases suggests that there are sufficient reports concerning various neurophysiological and physiological aspects of spiritual phenomena to, at least, consider the plausibility of an experimental neuroscience of spiritual experience. Indeed, the literature contains a number of studies in several specific areas regarding the relationship of the central nervous system to spiritual phenomena.

    Certain psychopathological disorders, such as mania and schizophrenia, tend to be associated with a high prevalence of intense spiritual phenomena (Saver & Rabin, 1997). Some of the reasons for the association of spiritual experiences with neuropsychiatric disorders involve what appear to be hallucinations, visions, voices, and often unusual thought processes that can be misidentified as pathological. On the other hand, there appears to be a clear distinction between spiritual pathology and non-pathological spiritual experience.  Specifically, although many people with psychopathological disorders may experience spiritual phenomena, not all spiritual phenomena occur in a pathological state in a previously normal subject.  There is abundant evidence in the charismatic traditions and biographical observations of spiritual individuals to rule out psychopathology as a sufficient explanation for all such experiences (Eliade, 1964; Mandell, 1980; Wright, 1989).

    There are also a number of neuropathological disorders which are associated with altered senses of spirituality and unusual spiritual experience.  For example, profound religious experiences including religious conversion are often associated with temporal lobe epilepsy (Bear, 1979; Bear & Fedio, 1977; Saver & Rabin, 1997).  However, other investigators have suggested that there is no correlation between temporal lobe epilepsy and unusual religious experiences (Tucker, Novelly, & Walker, 1987).  Therefore, not all subjects with temporal lobe epilepsy have spiritual experiences, and certainly not all spiritual experiences are related to epileptic activity in the temporal lobe.  Subjects suffering from head trauma, other types of brain damage, or dementia may also have alterations in their usual set of spiritual experiences.  Specifically, as cognitive and emotional functions decline, there may be concomitant changes in spiritual experience.  Thus, the neuroscientific study of spiritual experience must, in part, involve further distinguishing between spiritual experiences that occur in individuals without neuropsychiatric disorders and spiritual experiences associated with pathology.

    There also needs to be a clear distinction made between "normal" and "pathological" spiritual experiences.  In order to do this, one of the first obstacles that must be overcome is the lack of clearly defined interventions which maintain enough constancy to be scientifically investigated in normal individuals. Neuroscience may itself help to distinguish spiritual experiences that are "normal" from those that are "pathological" as well as the association of these experiences with neuro- and psychopathology.

    Another rich source of spiritual phenomena is the pharmacological activation of profound spiritual experiences by a number of drugs, including LSD-like indoles and substituted amphetamines (Mandell, 1980; Wright, 1989). Indeed, some drugs are so adept at reproducibly inducing spiritual experiences that they have provided a foundation for some indigenous religious rituals, for example, peyote use by some Native-American groups. However, not all subjects will attain spiritual experiences with a given drug.  Cultural, personal, and phamacokinetic and dynamic actions on neurophysiology interact with neuronal actions of such agents. Nevertheless, the fact that substances that are known to alter specific neurochemical pathways can produce spiritual experiences suggests that certain neurophysiologic states can subserve some types of spiritual experiences (Mandell, 1980; Wright, 1989).

    Another source of literature for developing a neuroscience of spiritual experience are experiments that have measured various physiological responses to spiritual interventions such as intense meditation.  For example, subjects who perform meditation have been found to have lowered blood pressure, decreased respiratory and heart rates, and changes in galvanic skin responses (Corby, Roth, Zarcone, & Kopell, 1978; Kesterson, 1989; Jevning, Wallace, & Beidebach, 1992; Sudsuang, Chentanez, & Veluvan, 1991).  However, it is difficult to determine a consistent set of physiological changes related to "spiritual interventions" since the literature considers a wide variety of interventions that may result in different physiological responses.  Nevertheless, there is little doubt that physiological changes do occur during spiritual interventions such as meditation. Indeed, the central nervous system is capable of altering body physiology through various hormones, neurotransmitters, and autonomic activity, and there is a strong literature to support the notion that any intervention that affects the central nervous system may ultimately affect body physiology.  The same should be true of spiritual interventions which involve consistent changes in brain activity.  Therefore, interventions such as meditation should be capable of altering body physiology via changes in brain activity.  Studies of spiritual interventions should thus be limited to those experiences that can be regularly and reproducibly initiated under circumstances that allow for neurophysiologic and physiologic measurement.

    Of particular interest are the studies directly showing neurophysiological changes during spiritual interventions such as meditation or prayer. For example, electroencephalographic, or EEG, studies of subjects undergoing meditation have suggested alterations in brain wave frequency and amplitude (Hirai, 1974; Schacter, 1977).  These same studies have shown that depending on the depth and type of the meditation, different, but consistent, changes in EEG recordings are obtained.  Furthermore, functional brain imaging studies such as ours and others have shown changes in cerebral blood flow and metabolism during meditation.

     Based on the above review of the existing literature, a number of neuroscientific paradigms appear to be able to contribute to the initial scientific operationalization of spiritual experience. These paradigms include:

 

1) the neuropsychology of spiritual interventions;
2) altering spiritual interventions with various pharmacological agents;
3) drug-induced spiritual experiences; and
4) neuropathologic and psychopathologic associated spiritual experiences.
 


    The first paradigm involves an experimental spiritual intervention such as prayer or meditation with concomitant measures of a psychological- and spiritual- dependent evaluation.  This will help to define and delineate the nature of the spiritual intervention itself.  These psychological and spiritual measures can then be compared to simultaneously derived neurobiological parameters, such as electroencephalographic activity, cerebral blood flow, cerebral metabolism, and neurotransmitter activity. Such measures can be performed with state of the art imaging techniques. Body physiological scalar parameters such as blood pressure, body temperature, heart rate, and galvanic skin responses can also be measured. Other body physiological parameters such as biofluid and immunological assessments, hormonal concentrations, and autonomic activity must eventually be included to complete a thorough analysis of the effects of spiritual interventions. Additional research is necessary in order to refine the measurement techniques and to better compare spiritual and physiological measures.

    The second existing paradigm that might be employed to investigate spiritual experience from a neuroscientific approach uses pharmacological agents in an attempt to alter spiritual interventions.  Thus, using this paradigm, a previously measured spiritual intervention will be compared to the same intervention with the addition of some pharmacological agent.  For example, studies might attempt to show the effects of an opiate antagonist on the strength of the subjective experience of meditation or prayer. Preliminary studies of this type have shown no effect on EEG patterns during meditation when subjects were given either an opiate or benzodiazepine antagonist (Sim & Tsoi, 1992).  However, it is clear that more extensive studies measuring a number of neurophysiological parameters are required. Other agonists and antagonists may be utilized to determine their ability to augment or diminish spiritual experiences.

    A third paradigm that can be employed utilizes those people whose use of hallucinogenic agents has resulted in spiritual experiences.  Since it has long been observed that drugs such as opiates, LSD, and stimulants can sometimes induce spiritual experiences, careful studies of the types and characteristics of drug-induced spiritual experiences, perhaps utilizing modern imaging techniques, may help elucidate which neurobiological mechanism are involved in more "naturally derived" spiritual experiences. Comparing this paradigm to naturally occurring spiritual phenomena may allow for a better distinction of pathologic and non-pathologic spiritual experiences as well as help to gain entree into the complex functioning of the mind.  Furthermore, by carefully delineating the effects of these agents, associations can begin to be made between various neurotransmitter systems affected by these agents and the associated experiences.  Such an analysis can provide information regarding spiritual experiences on the level of the neurotransmitter systems, in addition to the brain structures involved.  Another related approach that might also be useful would be to study the effects of drug withdrawal on spiritual experience.  However, there are no reports in the literature of such findings.

    A fourth paradigm would utilize patients with various known neuropathologic and psychopathologic conditions.  Neurological conditions including seizure disorders, particularly of temporal lobe origin, brain tumors, and stroke, have been associated with spiritual experiences and/or alterations in religious beliefs.  For example, temporal lobe epilepsy has been associated with hyperreligiosity and religious conversions. Psychiatric disorders such as schizophrenia and mania have been associated with spiritual experiences and religious conversions. Delineating the type of pathology and the location of that pathology will aid in determining the neurobiological substrate of spiritual experience.  Thus, neuropsychiatric disorders can be an effective tool for the neuroscience of spiritual experience.

    Research on pathological conditions has classically been used to elucidate the normal functions of biological systems.  Pathological spiritual experiences in psychiatric and neurological disorders may be central to the identification of largely nascent neurobiological systems that subserve "normal" spiritual experience.  This presents a crucial counterdistinction to the historic psychiatric implication that spiritual experience is an expression of psycho- or neuro- pathology.  This provides a framework in which normal spiritual experiences can occur in pathological and normal conditions and pathologic spiritual episodes might occur in individuals with or without psychopathological disorders.  A parallel construct of equal importance is to counter the scientific tendency to equate mechanisms and data with the phenomenon, for example, "spiritual experience is nothing but activation of specific neuronal pathways". Therefore, care must be taken to avoid the referring to spiritual experience only in pathological terms or associated with pathological conditions as well as not reducing spiritual experiences only to neurophysiological mechanisms.

    The information described above is partially summarized from a consensus conference of research scientists from across the country that was sponsored by the National Institute of Healthcare Research several years ago.  This approach to studying religious and spiritual experience is a crucial factor in the development of the emerging field of neurotheology.  Neurotheology refers to the field of study that combines neurophysiology and neuropsychology, with religious experience and theology.  We will consider neurotheology in more detail in the next and last installment, but suffice it to state here that empirical research is very necessary for exploring the link between mental processes and religious experience.  However, its role in the epistemological questions considered in the prior installment still remains to be completely determined.

Towards a Neurotheology

In this, the final installment for, "WGWGA," I would like to start by stating how much I have enjoyed participating in Metanexus and discussing these intriguing ideas with everyone.  Many of the ideas we considered are certainly covered in more detail in the book, but there are so many ideas surrounding the issue of the neuropsychological basis of religious experience, that we could devote years of discussion to considering the implications.  I hope that you have enjoyed this discussion as much as I have, and I hope that you have come to think about the mind and brain in a deeper and more comprehensive manner.  This installment leads to some of the conclusions that we reach in the book.  In particular, we will consider the notion of neurotheology as a new way of considering theology as both a metatheology and a megatheology.

    A metatheology can be understood as the overall principles underlying any and all religions or ultimate belief systems and their theologies.  A metatheology comprises both the general principles describing, and implicitly the rules for constructing, any concrete theological system.  In and of itself, a metatheology is devoid of theological content, since it consists of rules and descriptions about how any and all specific theologies are structured.  We propose that neurotheology, as presented in this book, is the best current contender for the title of "ultimate metatheology." Indeed, barring a major Kuhnian shift in fundamental scientific paradigms, it is hard to see how neurotheology, in general principle at least, can fail to constitute an ultimate metatheology.  While building up the case for neurotheology, most of this book has been, in fact, elaborating a metatheology.  In other words, the general principles by which any and all theologies are formulated are contained within the structure and function of the mind/brain as described in the previous chapters.

    An ultimate metatheology must account for three things.  First, it must describe how and why foundational, creation, and soteriological myths are formed.  Second, it must describe how and why such myths are elaborated into complex logical systems which we call specific theologies.  Third, it must describe how and why the basic myths and certain aspects of their theological elaborations are objectified in the motor behavior that we call ceremonial ritual.

    Neurotheology addresses these three constitutive demands of a metatheology by referring to three basic neuropsychological explanatory elements of the mind/brain.  These three are:

     1.  The Cognitive Imperative.
     2.  The Cognitive Operators.
     3.  Arousal/Quiescent states.

 The Cognitive Imperative

    The Cognitive Imperative provides the motive force to explain any phenomenon or series of phenomena either simply or systematically.  We have called the Cognitive Imperative the "drive of the neocortex."  It represents the impetus to apply the Cognitive Operators to incoming input in some understandable fashion.  The predominant operator activated by the Cognitive Imperative is the Causal Operator.  As we have seen, the mind/brain automatically sets up causal sequences to explain any phenomenon or cluster of phenomena.  When the initial terminus of any strip of reality is not given in the sensorium, we have seen how the mind/brain generates an initial terminus or cause of that strip of reality in the form of a god, demon, numen, or other power source.  Only the artificial scientific social contract which developed in 17th century Europe and by which natural philosophers refrained from positing any initial terminus unless it was observed or immediately inferrable from sense data, prevents modern science from generating gods, demons, or other power sources.  However, it appears that the mind/brain naturally posits such entities.  Even the most rational of scientists and philosophers must occasionally construct and deal with such entities if only in their dreams.

    Thus, we see that the Cognitive Imperative is immensely powerful.  There is a mountain of evidence generated by cognitive psychologists that this is indeed the case, but a simple example here will serve to make the point.  A number of years ago, a mild earthquake shook the Philadelphia area in the middle of the night.  The noted physical anthropologist, Professor Solomon Katz, his graduate students, and one of the authors (E. d'Aquili) did an informal study involving random telephone calls to residents of the Philadelphia area to ask them questions about the earthquake.  Some were asked, "What did you think happened last night?" and others were asked, "What was the first thing you did when you felt the earthquake?"  The first question elicited, as one might expect, a broad spectrum of answers.  Many correctly thought that it was a mild earthquake.  Many others opted for a heavy truck passing outside or for a furnace exploding.  There was even one bizarre answer, "The universe reached critical mass."  All of these responses, whether common or bizarre, were predictable in that they were cognitive responses to the question, "What did you think happened last night?"  The really interesting result of this study was with the respondents to the question, "What was the first thing you did when you felt the earthquake?"  In spite of the form of this question, virtually every respondent answered first by giving what he or she thought had occurred before going on to saying what he or she did.  The mind/brain clearly seeks an explanation for an indeterminate stimulus forcefully and immediately, and even gives that cognitive response later when none is asked for.

    Therefore, the Cognitive Imperative, the driver of the neocortex, compels human beings to try to understand their environment, to structure myths as explanatory stories, to generate gods or power sources "to fill in the causal gaps", and to squeeze every ounce of truth from the myth by the application of logic and deductive reasoning via the Cognitive Operators. Such is the force of the Cognitive Imperative that human beings have no choice but to structure myths whether in their scientific form (a special case) or in their more primitive form embodied in dreams, daydreams, fairy tales, folk tales, or other related manifestations of myths.

 Cognitive Operators

    As we have considered in the previous installments, the cognitive operators represent neural networks which operate upon sensory input to organize it and modulate it in specific ways.  In the aggregate, this function forms our cognized environment.  The causal and binary operators are particularly active in the generation of myth.  The organization of the world, and myth content, into polar opposites or, at least, into contrasted dyads, is the obligatory function of the binary operator.  The contrasting of myth elements into opposites often presents the "myth problem" which must somehow be resolved.  The contrasting of pairs such as good and evil, divine and human, life and death, etc. constitute the polar tension essential to the myth story.  As we have elaborated upon earlier, attempts at resolving such myth problems can be either cognitive, as part of the myth structure, or profoundly existential or emotional as a result of incarnating the myth into a ritual matrix.

    The mind/brain can then operate on a myth as it is elaborated by a particular culture, extracting explicit meanings from the myth and deducing various conclusions from elements of the myth.  Such conclusions are not specifically contained in the myth.  Rather conclusions are derived in the form: if element "A" of the myth is true (as indeed the whole myth is believed to be true, at least in primitive societies), then "X" must necessarily be the case for "A" to happen and "Y" must necessarily be concluded as a consequence of "A".  With this kind of reasoning, theology is born from religious myth.  Since theology is based on logic and deductive reasoning, the causal Operator (this time operating on abstract concepts), the Abstractive Operator and the Quantitative Operator all are integral to the formation of the organized body of knowledge that we have traditionally called a theology.

 Arousal/Quiescent States and Rhythmicity

    Since all religions present their myths, and to some extent their theologies, within some sort of ritual context, from minimal to maximal, any inclusive metatheology must account for human ceremonial ritual.  Once again, we have described in previous chapters the effect of the various Arousal/Quiescent states on the activation of pleasure centers. Furthermore, we have seen the effect of slow and fast rhythmicity on Arousal/Quiescent states and ultimately on the generation of pleasurable experiences from mild satisfaction to ecstatic blisses.  We have also seen how this rhythmic-Arousal/Quiescent system can briefly activate the Holistic Operator generating powerfully unitary as well as pleasurable experiences. Finally, we have described how such unitary experiences can create the existential sense of the union of elements which are logically opposed in the myth prior to the myth's having been exposed to ritual expression.  Such mystic unions of opposing mythic elements, as well as the sense of the mystic union of all participants in a ritual via activation of the Holistic Operator, provide experiences that are among the most intense that a religion can provide for one of its practitioners.  Such experiences as manifestations of the divine often provide a retrospective "confirmation" of the truth both of the religion's foundational myth and of its theological elaboration.

    Lastly, any metatheology must account for intense mystical experiences derived from meditation and to some extent from prayer.  In chapter 6, we proposed neurophysiological mechanisms which account for all of the major religious and spiritual experiences generated by the mystical mind.

    To summarize this section, therefore, we can see that neurotheology constitutes a great formal apparatus which is required for the structure and understanding of any specific myth, its theological elaboration, its incarnation and resolution in ceremonial ritual, as well as the otherworldly, transcendent, or mystical experiences that certain practitioners of all religions enjoy.  Although neurotheology as a metatheology is devoid of specific theological content, neurotheology is full of content at the level of the neuropsychology which both underlies and constitutes it.

    I will end with the notion that neurotheology and the approach followed in The Mystical Mind may not only be a metatheology, but a megatheology. Just as a metatheology is devoid of content, a megatheology should contain content of such a universal nature that it could be adopted by most, if not all, of the world's great religions as a basic element without any serious violation of their essential doctrines.  Alternatively, a megatheology should have such universal content that it could be used as the basis for the development of a new specific theology, hopefully one more universal in nature than those arising from the cultural exigencies of humanities remote past.  It has been our belief that neurotheology can actually function as a megatheology as well.  This is based in large extent on the most profound mystical states, and in particular, AUB.  However, the possibility of neurotheology as a megatheology is quite compelling, but is most complex and I will simply end things here by dangling that carrot and to entice all of you to consider the relevance of "WGWGA" in understanding not only the biology of religious experience, but in understanding the mind, consciousness, reality, and experience itself.

 

 Notes

i. We should note here that many of the terms utilized throughout this book are not specifically scientific, but rather are designed to make the complex workings of the brain easier to understand.  However, we will try to indicate what the scientific terms are as a reference for those interested.

ii. Throughout this book, we will also refer to various functions of different parts of the brain. While it is possible to localize function to a reasonable degree, it is important to realize that the brain needs to work as a functional unit with each part needing the other parts to work normally.

iii. This type of blocking of input has been shown to occur in both normal and pathological states.  Blocking of input can also occur to a variety of brain structures via various inhibitory influences throughout the brain. We will consider this in more detail later.
 


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Separater
Why God Won't Go Away: Brain Science and the Biology of Belief (Ballantine; ISBN 0-345-44033-1; Hardcover, 226 pp.; $24.95; 2001) by Andrew Newberg, Eugene D'Aquili, and Vince Rause

Published   2001.12.10
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